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religious legitimation to take care of their domination, using this reality to explain the beginnings of religious generalization. He acknowledges, nonetheless, that an exception to this dependence on legitimation exists in instances “by which a gaggle subordinates another group by army conquest” . He tries to mitigate this truth in a revealing means. Although domination via conquest might have “played an important part in processes of social change,” he insists, military conquest cannot be considered “differentiation in the current sense” . The conquerors in such situations are “a international group, not a structural segment of the original society.” Moreover, it is “a rare, limiting case when such a gaggle altogether eschews claims to non secular legitimation and operates in terms of its naked self-interest alone.” But Parsons’s efforts to avoid the implications of his insight into the importance of struggle are inappropriate. Of course domination through conquest isn’t differentiation; of course these conquerors usually are not a part of domestic society but a foreign group; after all this conquering group will in some unspecified time in the future want religious legitimation itself. None of this, however, denies the crucial incontrovertible fact that the transition towards a extra advanced society is usually the results of struggle.
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