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different modes of social organization. Many of its variants, nonetheless, are based on some combination of systematic misrecognition of the opportunities for local autonomy available in a world structured largely by massive-scale organizations of indirect social relationships, and systematically biased analogies between the world of direct private relationships and that of huge-scale organizations of indirect relationships (e.g., “balancing the U.S finances is rather like balancing your family checkbook”). Cooley’s opposition was between relationships that linked individuals merely because the enactors of specific social roles and people who involved entire persons, linked to each other in ways in which transcended the fragmentation of life into different spheres. See additionally the dialogue in Nisbet and Perrin 1977. Cooley’s model of the Gemeinschaft-Gesellschaft dichotomy implied a Rousseauian critique of the inauthenticity of secondary relationships. This and different criticisms that secondary relationships are much less fulfilling, much less significant, and weaker than major relationships are central to the ideas of primary and secondary relationships as they’ve generally been used. Cooley’s conceptualization exists to explain an growth within the number of relationships that’s accompanied by a

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