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Whatever their authentic intentions or ideologies, they got here more and more to be concerned with getting a bit of the fashionable pie and taking part in modern politics as equal partners with capital and other powerful political and economic actors. These actions—and here I think primarily of the labor actions of Western Europe—developed into organizations that became a part of the institutionalized power and determination-making buildings of contemporary society. Such actions developed into centralized organizations and related to political events, slowly gaining energy and influence but dropping the dynamism and the mass engagement with which they began. Perhaps this growth was both needed and profitable, for no one can deny the precise power labor movements get pleasure from right now in Western Europe. Except for ceremonial events, nonetheless, hardly anyone would deny that the “movement” aspect has disappeared. Political power and participation have been purchased at the worth of accepting a certain definition of contemporary politics, that of administration and redistribution through the centralized state, and of the lack of a social movement. In the dialectic between motion and group, the movement got misplaced. This improvement can also be essential in understanding new social movements and their rejection of modernity. For the new movements modernity is

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