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authorities and the conception of the National Dialogue, they were capable of shun all responsibility for the political process. In addition, there was no critical dialogue either within the run-up to the National Dialogue or during the talks themselves in regards to the position of armed nonstate actors – or even how to deal with them. There have been calls on the Houthis to found a political party, however since they only participated reluctantly within the con¬ference, they have been never required, for example, to place down their weapons as a precondition. By con¬trast, AQAP as a nonstate violent actor and enemy of the Western supporters of the dialogue was explicitly excluded. Although the Houthis have been able to assert many of their pursuits, they in the end rejected the best way by which Yemen was alleged to be divided into six federal regions. They used their resistance to this key conference end result as a pretext for army expan¬sion and calls for for a new, more inclusive gov-ernment. Three components had been key among the many elements blocking the success of UN mediation in Syria. First, the worldwide community agreed on political conflict resolution in precept, but third events de facto continued to back military assist for the con¬flict events and more and more enforced their very own inter¬ests via direct army intervention. This led to a state of affairs in which a beneficial mediation

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