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economic revival, among others through the fifth Session of the UN Environment Assembly, to be held in Kenya next year. Furthermore, the approach of the UN mediators in Yemen and Libya contributed to the ability-sharing agreements being quick-lived and not resulting in pacification. They put extreme time strain on the negotiation of agreements, which led to the battle parties not assuming any private commitment for his or her implementation and left important issues unresolved. Important battle actors were overlooked.The UN mediators backed unity governments even when the latter became events in the battle, thus for¬feiting the special envoys’ impartiality. In Syria issues of representativeness and inclusiveness moved into the background since no negotiations on power-sharing occurred – or are prone to happen in the close to future. In all three cases, the mediators targeted on internationally legitimised goals, which had been rendered unrealistic or obsolete by the modified balance of power. In Syria, these aims were power-sharing and a political transition even though the rebels had misplaced the civil war and been pushed back to some enclaves. In Libya, the UN spe¬cial envoy adhered for far too long to the negotiation framework based mostly on the 2 parliaments, despite them no longer representing the increasingly frag¬mented actor landscape. And in Yemen, the UN

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