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defects within the agree¬ment that may prove fatal. The consent of the HoR, which was crucial for implementing the agreement and forming a authorities, did not materialise after the signing, and the tug-of-warfare over that ques¬tion opened up rifts that completely paralysed the parliament. In November, to appease as many clienteles as potential, Kobler increased the quickly-to-be Presidency Council from six to 9 members whilst sustaining the requirement for unanimous Council selections. This virtually ensured that the Presidency Council could be unable to behave. Moreover, on the time that the negotiations have been hurriedly concluded, talks with armed actors over safety arrangements had not even begun. This excluded key issues from the settlement – points that may remain unresolved thereafter. All of those problems had been already appar¬ent in December15, but experts’ warnings against extreme haste went unheeded. ¬liament; the opposite ten were handpicked by UNSMIL and mostly had no political base to speak of. In late November15, Italy and USA set the tempo by calling for a ministerial-level conference for mid-December to precise its support for the agreement – when no agreement yet existed. Salamé was left to juggle Macron’s insistence on the deadlines he introduced with different governments’ calls for for progress on the situations needed to hold elections. While the French initiative

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